Labor History Links

This digital collection for the classroom explores several New Deal programs, highlighting how Chicago and Midwestern-based workers negotiated new welfare reforms. It provides a snapshot of how new agencies reshuffled family relations, mobilized immigrants, and sometimes reached across racial barriers. With a particular focus on labor and employment, these documents represent a broad range of responses to President Roosevelt’s policies, demonstrating the praise and protest elicited as policymakers established a growing welfare state. What did the New Deal look like in Chicago and the greater Illinois region? Who were its champions and opponents? How did different types of people make sense of new welfare programs in the midst of the Great Depression?

Atlantic City Labor museum is in the Atlantic City's Boardwalk Hall, a building erected in 1929 by a place "intertwined with pivotal moments in our nation's history and a place of labor. Painters Union members and officials made it the epicenter of the finishing trades. It showcases the evolution of tools and attire, with insights into the sweat and tohttps://www.boardwalkhall.com/plan-your-visit/directions-parkingil that went into erecting Boardwalk Hall. "This museum serves asa rally cry for the enduring relevance of organized labor." 2301 Boardwalk, Atlantic City, NJ 08401, USA
See https://www.boardwalkhall.com/plan-your-visit/directions-parking for hours

Visit the only remaining structure from the Italian Hall Massacre in Italian Hall Memorial Park.

Drawing from extensive archival research, Out of the Horrors of War demonstrates that disabled citizens in the World War II era organized a national movement for economic security and full citizenship, reshaping the U.S. welfare state and laying the foundation for the disability rights movement

For decades, many forgot that citrus workers in Redlands advocated for their rights. Story-map in 6 segments, mapping and many images

A people’s history of racial oppression in Atlanta

Between 1966 and 2015, the city of Atlanta was transformed. In the late 1960s, Black politicians ascended to the top of the power structure for the first time thanks to newly enfranchised Black working-class voters. Through the early 1970s, the demographics of the city shifted, and the combination of Black empowerment and white flight produced a growing Black working-class majority that increasingly demanded Black Power policies that often clashed with the policies supported by affluent residents. But by the 2010s, Atlanta’s city core had been thoroughly gentrified, and the ability of Black working-class Atlantans to organize and build power had diminished significantly.

Tracing the history of post–civil rights Black Atlanta through rigorous class analysis, Augustus Wood argues that Black and white elites responded to an energized and politicized Black working class by forging a public-private partnership power bloc that included the small but growing Black political leadership, expanding the racial class contradictions in Black Atlanta. This bloc worked to shift state funding away from public services and toward gentrification projects that demolished subsidized housing, and it ramped up police surveillance to deter working-class resistance. Paying close attention to political economy and class while drawing on unexamined archival sources and oral histories of Black working-class Atlantans, especially Black women, Wood reframes our understanding of contemporary Black urban life by highlighting the centrality of the dynamics of intraracial class conflict in urban space.
Contents
ix
List of Illustrations
xi Acknowledgments
1
IntroductIon
Vine City as the World Trade Center
34
chapter one
The Black Worker Struck First
Black Power, Protonationalism, and the Working- Class Offensive
86
chapter two
The Black Urban Regime Strikes Back
Retrenchment, Repression, and the Roots of Gentrification
in Atlanta
132
chapter three
The Spoils of Class War
Neoliberalization and the Fragmentation of
Black Working-Class Atlanta
168
chapter Four
Don’t Work Yourself into a Shoot, Brother!
The New Nadir and New Tools of Class War in
Olympic-Era Atlanta
207
chapter FIve
The Final Bite of the Apple
Nonprofits and Petty Bourgeois “Activism” in
Post-Olympic Atlanta
241
chapter SIx
Robbing Peter to Pay Paul
Suburbanization and Subproletarianization of the
Black Working Class
278
epIlogue
The Black Worker
What Is to Be Done?
289
Notes
319
Bibliography
333
Index

In tobacco fields, auto and radio factories, cigarmakers' tenements, textile mills, print shops, insurance companies, restaurants, and bars, notions of masculinity and femininity have helped shape the development of work and the working class. The fourteen original essays brought together here shed new light on the importance of gender for economic and class analysis and for the study of men as well as women workers. After an introduction by Ava Baron addressing current problems in conceptualizing gender and work, chapters by leading historians consider how gender has colored relations of power and hierarchy--between employers and workers, men and boys, whites and blacks, native-born Americans and immigrants, as well as between men and women--in North America from the 1830s to the 1970s. Individual essays explore a spectrum of topics including union bureaucratization, protective legislation, and consumer organizing. They examine how workers' concerns about gender identity influenced their job choices, the ways in which they thought about and performed their work, and the strategies they adopted toward employers and other workers. Taken together, the essays illuminate the plasticity of gender as men and women contest its meaning and its implications for class relations. Anyone interested in labor history, women's history, and the sociology of work or gender will want to read this pathbreaking book
1. Gender and Labor History: Learning from the Past, Looking to the Future; Ava Baron
2. An ""Other"" Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920; Ava Baron
3. Southern Honor, Southern Dishonor: Managerial Ideology and the Construction of Gender, Race, and Class Relations in Southern Industry; DoloresJaniewski
4. Manhood and the Market: The Politics of Gender and Class among the Textile Workers of Fall River, Massachusetts, 1870-1880; Mary Blewett
5. ""A Man's Dwelling House Is His Castle"": Tenement House Cigarmaking and the Judicial Imperative.Eileen Boris
6. ""The Voice of Virile Labor"": Labor Militancy, Community Solidarity, and Gender Identity among Tampa's Latin Workers, 1880-1921 Nancy A. Hewitt
7. Gender, Self, and Work in the Life Insurance Industry, 1880-1930;Angel Kwolek-Folland
8. ""Give the Boys a Trade"": Gender and Job Choice in the 1890s; Ileen DeVault
9. ""Drawing the Line"": The Construction of a Gendered Work Force in the Food Service Industry; Dorothy Sue Cobble
10. Private Eyes, Public Women: Images of Class and Sex in the Urban South, Atlanta, Georgia, 1913-1915; Jacquelyn Dowd Hall
11. Gender, Consumer Organizing, and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1919-1929. Dana Frank
12. Paths of Unionization: Community, Bureaucracy, and Gender in the Minneapolis Labor Movement of the 1930s Elizabeth Faue
13. The Faces of Gender: Sex Segregation and Work Relations at Philco, 1928-1938; Patricia Cooper
14. Time out of Mind: The UAW's Response to Female Labor Laws and Mandatory Overtime in the 1960s; Nancy Gabin

"Revised and expanded edition of the groundbreaking book which demystifies twenty-one of the most widespread myths and beliefs about immigrants and immigrations. In "They Take Our Jobs!" Aviva Chomsky challenges the underlying assumptions that fuel misinformed claims about immigrants, radically altering our notions of citizenship, discrimination, and U.S. history. Since it was first published, many of the same myths about immigration such as "immigrants take American jobs," "immigrants don't pay taxes," and "immigrants increase crime" continue to be perpetuated and used to promote aggressive anti-immigration policies. In a new introduction, Chomsky reflects on the events of the past ten years. She analyzes declining Mexican immigration patterns, illuminates Mexico's little-known Southern Border Program, and assesses Obama's complicated legacy as "deporter-in-chief" which, Chomsky argues, inadvertently laid the groundwork for Trump's anti-immigrant racism"-- Provided by publisher

Exploring globalization from a labor history perspective, Aviva Chomsky provides historically grounded analyses of migration, labor-management collaboration, and the mobility of capital. She illuminates the dynamics of these movements through case studies set mostly in New England and Colombia. Taken together, the case studies offer an intricate portrait of two regions, their industries and workers, and the myriad links between them over the long twentieth century, as well as a new way to conceptualize globalization as a long-term process
Chomsky examines labor and management at two early-twentieth-century Massachusetts factories: one that transformed the global textile industry by exporting looms around the world, and another that was the site of a model program of labor-management collaboration in the 1920s. She follows the path of the textile industry from New England, first to the U.S. South, and then to Puerto Rico, Japan, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and Colombia. She considers how towns in Rhode Island and Massachusetts began to import Colombian workers as they struggled to keep their remaining textile factories going. Most of the workers eventually landed in service jobs: cleaning houses, caring for elders, washing dishes.

Focusing on Colombia between the 1960s and the present, Chomsky looks at the Urabá banana export region, where violence against organized labor has been particularly acute, and, through a discussion of the AFL-CIO’s activities in Colombia, she explores the thorny question of U.S. union involvement in . In the 1980s, two U.S. coal mining companies began to shift their operations to Colombia, where they opened two of the largest open-pit coal mines in the world. Chomsky assesses how different groups, especially labor unions in both countries, were affected. Linked Labor Histories suggests that economic integration among regions often exacerbates regional inequalities rather than ameliorating them.

Labor in 21st Century Boston focuses on the working class and forms of labor organizing in the greater Boston area
Introduction
Part I: Labor, Power, and Inequality in Boston
1.Unshared Growth: Earners and Earnings Inequality in Boston Before and After the Great Recession
2.Boston's Public Sector and the Fight for Union Survival
3.A Tangle of Exclusion: Boston's Black Working Class and the Struggle for Racial and Economic Justice
Part II: Boston's Workers and Unions Confront the Twenty-First Century
4.It's Not in the Water: Surviving the Neoliberal Onslaught in Lynn, Massachusetts
5.If We Don't Get It, Shut it Down!: University Cafeteria-Worker Organizing, the Information Economy, and Boston's Inequality Problem
6.Non-tenure-track Faculty: On the Vanguard of a Renaissance in the Boston Labor Movement?
7.Raise Up Massachusetts: Experiment in a New, Universal Labor Movement
8.Coalition Building in the Age of Trump?: Lessons from the Solidarity School
9.Immigrants and Worker Centers in Boston in the Shadow of Trump
10.Policy Group on Tradeswomen's Issues: A Collaborative Learning Community Crushing the Barriers to Women's Careers in the Construction Trades
11.Organizing under Criminalization: Policing and Sex Workers' Rights in Rhode Island
12.Conclusion

Labor leaders like Denis Kearney and H. L. Knight of California’s Workingmen’s Party often resorted to popular racist arguments to justify the exclusion of Chinese immigrants. In an 1878 address, Kearney and Knight described the Chinese as a race of “cheap working slaves” who undercut American living standards and thus should be banished from America’s shores. A few American labor leaders, mostly in the radical and socialist wing of the movement, were more sympathetic. In a letter to the Detroit Socialist in May 1878, B.E.G. Jewett argued that the slogan should not be that “the Chinese must go,” but that “the oppressors, money-mongers, . . . must go.” Though voices like Jewett were exceptional, they serve as reminders that some late nineteenth-century white Americans were able to pierce the veil of prejudice that men like Kearney and Knight erected against Asian immigrants.

This collection is comprised of video interviews conducted by volunteers of the BC Labour Heritage Centre Oral History Project. The collection includes full-length interviews with notable activists in British Columbia's labour movement on topics ranging from experiences at work, picket lines, strikes and rallies, to organizing unions & negotiating and bargaining collective agreements. There are also shorter interviews based on historic labour events in BC.

Site evaluates the existing tours which include plantation museums for their interpretation of the system of slavery and the enslaved experience

In the 1930s Harvard Business School colleagues Donald Davenport and Frank Ayres contacted leading businesses and requested photographs for classroom instruction—images Davenport hoped would “reveal the courage, industry and intelligence required of the American working man.” They amassed more than 2,100 photographs, from strangely beautiful views of men operating Midvale Steel’s 9,000-ton hydraulic press to women assembling tiny, delicate parts of Philco radios. Now students, and America’s aspiring corporate managers, had visual data to study “the human factor,” the interaction of worker and machine.

But the pictures were more than documentary records. They were the work of artists such as Margaret Bourke-White, Lewis Hine, and others, who produced highly stylized images meant to instill confidence in corporate America. Created in the years between the world wars, the Industrial Life Photograph Collection reveals the colliding—and sometimes competing—messages of art and industry, education and public relations, humanity and modernization.

35 oral history interviews with Black residents of Muncie Indiana

The Center for Middletown Studies is working to create a historical record of recent economic changes in "Middletown"—Muncie, Indiana—and their impact on the life of the community. It has undertaken several projects as part of its Documenting Deindustrialization initiative:
Organized Labor in Muncie: An Oral History
Economic Development in Muncie: An Oral History
Changing Gears: End of an Era
Adolescent Well-Being in Muncie
Workers and Industry in Muncie, Indiana, 1880-2012

19 oral history interview with UAW workers in Local 287 Muncie, Indiana, conducted in 1969

15 oral history interviews with transcripts, part of Ball State University collection

The Muncie Post-Democrat Newspaper digital collection consists of issues of the historic anti-Ku Klux Klan newspaper published by George Dale from 1921 until his death in 1936, and continued as a local newspaper after his death until the 1950s.

Dale was nationally prominent for his battle against the Klan. He was beaten, shot and even spent time in prison because of his strong anti-Klan position. He used the newspaper as a weapon against the Klan and its many prominent local members. After Dale's death, the newspaper continued although the battle with the Klan was basically over. The later issues provide a pro-Democratic Party, pro-labor viewpoint. The newspaper is a unique historical artifact that is extremely valuable for researchers of the Klan in Indiana during the 1920s and 1930s.

This project is part of the Indiana Memory Digital Library and is made possible by a grant from the U.S. Institute of Museum and Library Services under the provisions of the Library Services and Technology Act, administered by the Indiana State Library. It was funded by a Library Services and Technology Act grant to the Ball State University Libraries for 2007-2008.

collection of oral history interviews with Black residents of Muncie, INdiana

The Baltimore Museum of Industry interprets the diverse and significant human stories behind labor and innovation in Baltimore, cultivating a sense of belonging and inspiring visitors to think critically about the intersection of work and society.

The museum provides a holistic understanding of how work, or lack thereof, has defined Baltimore. We explore pathways to create an increasingly sustainable, flourishing, just, and beautiful Baltimore through thoughtful industry.

The BMI enhances awareness that all work has dignity; that innovations can come from anyone, anywhere; and that understanding work—its impacts and opportunities— can lead to a more healthy and just society.

Located in an 1860s oyster cannery on a five-acre waterfront campus, the BMI offers dynamic indoor and outdoor exhibitions, live demonstrations, engaging tours, and hands-on activities for visitors of all ages.

Together, we set out to envision a museum that is deeply responsive to the city it serves — one that embraces equity, fosters dialogue, and uses history to spark forward-looking conversations about work, community, and opportunity.

Collection shows laborers from various ethnic groups (Chinese, Japanese, Mexican, Italian, "Hindu") working in the following locations: Sacramento (including Japantown), San Jose, San Francisco, Fresno, Los Angeles, Gilroy, and Merced. Photos show laborers in the fields, but also focus on their businesses, ranches, living conditions (including interiors of houses), street scenes, and children.

This fully updated edition of a classic work from one of the leading scholars of Appalachia documents a community's struggle against the deadly black lung disease
Intro
Copyright
Contents
Preface
Interviews
Chapter 1: Diagnosing the Problem
Chapter 2: The Medical Politics of Black Lung
Chapter 3: Where Is the Disease?
Chapter 4: The Contagious Spread of Rebellion
A Photo Gallery by Earl Dotter: With Images from His Historic Workplace Collection
Chapter 5: Resistance to Disease
Chapter 6: Reviving the Movement
Chapter 7: Black Lung and the Politics of Union Reform
Chapter 8: Reckonings
Acknowledgments
Appendix
Notes
Index

Hundreds of families held the line in the 1983 strike against Phelps Dodge Copper in Arizona. After more than a year, the strikers lost their union certification, but the battle permanently altered the social order in these small, predominantly Hispanic mining towns. At the time the strike began, many women said they couldn't leave the house without their husband's permission. Yet, when injunctions barred union men from picketing, their wives and daughters turned out for the daily picket lines. When the strike dragged on and men left to seek jobs elsewhere, women continued to picket, organize support, and defend their rights even when the towns were occupied by the National Guard. Nothing can ever be the same as it was before, said Diane McCormick of the Morenci Miners Women's Auxiliary. Look at us. At the beginning of this strike, we were just a bunch of ladies

In a magisterial work of narrative nonfiction that weaves together the racially fraught history of public education in Milwaukee and the broader story of hypersegregation in the rust belt, Lessons from the Heartland tells of an iconic city's fall from grace-and of its chance for redemption in the twenty first century.

In the early months of 2011, Wisconsin became central to the fight to save America's middle class and its public institutions, in particular public education. Across America, progressives embraced the slogan 'We Are Wisconsin.' All politics are local, but with unending repercussions the Milwaukee story is the Wisconsin story, which is the nation's story. This book tells that story. Lessons from the Heartland focuses on public education reforms--from vouchers and charter schools to desegregation and choice-to explore larger issues of race and class in our democracy.

Miner (whose daughters went through the Milwaukee public school system and who is a former Milwaukee Journal reporter) brings a journalist's eye and a parent's heart to exploring the intricate ways that jobs, housing, and schools intersect, underscoring the intrinsic link between the future of public education and the dreams and hopes of democracy in a multicultural society.

This book will change the way we think about the possibility and promise of public education"-- Provided by publisher